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SUPERSIZED BIAS
Big Media’s Role In Covering And Promoting
the Obesity Debate
By Dan Gainor
and Rich Noyes
See Executive
Summary
    It’s hard to turn on a
television set and not be bombarded with news about fat — a new
warning about the dangers of obesity, a new diet that lets you eat
more while the pounds melt away, or the unveiling of a new drug that
just might make you thin again. As more and more Americans become
obsessed with their weight, the news media are responding with an
abundance of stories about food and fat.
    But there’s more to the fat
story than just giving the public more news they can use. While most
people — fat, thin or somewhere in the middle — probably regard
their weight as their own business, some anti-corporate activists
have seized upon America’s worries about weight to launch a campaign
against the companies that produce the food that feeds us all. They
argue that the fattening of America is less the result of poor
personal choices than poor behavior by U.S. businesses, and that the
“obesity epidemic” can best be cured through a diet of new taxes,
more regulations, and a flood of lawyer-enriching lawsuits.
    So how successful were
these radical activists at getting their agenda taken seriously by
the major media? To find out, researchers with the MRC’s Free Market
Project analyzed all news stories about obesity published in The
New York Times or USA Today (excluding editorials and
opinion columns) or aired on the three broadcast network evening and
nighttime news shows (ABC’s World News Tonight, 20/20,
PrimeTime and Nightline; CBS’s Evening News,
48 Hours, 60 Minutes and 60 Minutes II; and NBC’s
Nightly News and Dateline) during a one-year period, from
May 1, 2003 through April 30, 2004.
    All three television
networks provided a remarkably similar amount of coverage. By a very
slight margin, CBS aired the most stories (37, including 6 brief
anchor-read items) followed by ABC with 34 stories (29 full reports,
5 anchor briefs) and NBC with 31 (27 full reports, 4 anchor briefs).
The New York Times ran 55 stories on obesity, many in the
Business or Health sections. USA Today, which only publishes
five editions a week, ran 48 stories, many in the Life section.
Blaming Food Sellers, Not Food Buyers
    Is obesity principally a
personal problem, the result of either poor lifestyle choices or
medical conditions that make weight gain almost inevitable? Or are
more of us getting fatter because callous, or even corrupt, food
companies are cynically devising new ways to get us to buy too much
food, or at least too much bad food?
    The debate over what has
caused the increase in obesity was featured in about half of the
news stories we examined. While a handful of stories suggested other
causes (such as federal farm subsidies or growing suburbanization),
nearly all of the stories that discussed causes of obesity
referenced either business practices or personal choices.
    To gauge the balance of
this debate, the researchers were asked to tally all of the comments
in a story by both the reporter and individuals either quoted or
shown in TV soundbites. They counted the number of statements
presenting the idea that responsibility lies a) with individuals or
b) with the business practices of individual companies or the food
industry at large. If the comments tilted in favor of one of those
concepts by a greater than two-to-one margin, the story was
categorized as promoting that point of view. If the ratio was less
than two-to-one, the story was classified as balanced.
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Using this yardstick, only 11 stories treated readers or viewers to
a balanced discussion, which means most of the stories that talked
about the causes of obesity were dominated by a single point of
view. Mostly, the message was that corporate strategies were to
blame for Americans’ weight gain. Just 26 stories presented obesity
as primarily a result of personal circumstances, compared with 66
that blamed big business. (See chart.)
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Those news stories that presented obesity as a consequence of an
individual’s lifestyle or medical situation tended to focus on a
single individual, offering their personal story as a template for
the overall problem. On March 5, for example, a segment on CBS’s
48 Hours profiled actor Wayne Knight, best known for his
portrayal of “Newman” on NBC’s Seinfeld in the mid-1990s.
    Since his days on
Seinfeld, 48 Hours reported, Knight has lost close to 100
pounds. He told reporter Susan Spencer how he was obsessed with
food. “I used to have a tan from the light inside the refrigerator,”
Knight quipped. “I was eating for reasons that had nothing to do
with hunger. I was eating to numb myself. And when I began to have
to look at the fact that I was eating as an addiction and treating
it as such, that’s when, you know, I turned the corner.”
    Similarly, USA Today
profiled TV talk show host Phil McGraw on September 9, 2003, the
release date of his book, The Ultimate Weight Solution: The 7
Keys to Weight Loss Freedom. “Dr. Phil” told reporter Nanci
Hellmich that the problem for many people was emotional: “What I’ve
found about chronically overweight people is they don’t believe they
can ever be different.”
    But the vast majority of
news stories ignored or downplayed such personal factors. On the
March 9 World News Tonight, ABC reporter Lisa Stark linked
the food industry’s behavior with poor health: “It’s estimated 64
percent of Americans weigh too much. That increases the risk of
diabetes, heart disease, and some form of cancer. Those who help
people lose weight say they’re not surprised by the new numbers. The
food industry spends $34 billion a year to market its products.” The
notion that food industry advertising causes obesity is a key
argument of the anti-corporate activists.
    A couple of weeks earlier,
on the February 24 CBS Evening News, Elizabeth Kaledin had
framed an entire story around a negative report from the Center for
Science and the Public Interest (CSPI) that charged that children’s
menus at restaurants such as Outback and Red Lobster were dominated
by unhealthy choices.
    “Move over, McNuggets,”
Kaledin crowed. “There’s a new food villain in town. New research
finds kids’ meals at many popular restaurant chains are loaded with
more fat and calories than the average fast food fare.”
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The five news outlets we examined were hardly identical when it came
to the blame game. CBS, NBC and USA Today all presented
roughly as many stories stressing personal responsibility as stories
pushing the idea that business was at fault. But the debate at ABC
and The New York Times was almost entirely dominated by the
idea that business was at fault. On ABC, 15 out of 16 stories
discussing the causes of obesity blamed business, as did 20 out of
22 New York Times stories. (See chart.)
    The New York Times,
for example, ran a lengthy Business section story on November 15,
2003 that began by accusing food companies of “exploiting” labeling
laws in order to deceive consumers.
    “Food companies — including
some that have pledged to act in the face of rising obesity rates —
routinely exploit labeling laws that allow them to make their
products seem less fattening than they really are, according to
nutritionists and consumer groups,” was how the story by Sherri Day
misleadingly began.
    Deep into the article, Day
let readers know what the real problem was: “The FDA’s [Food and
Drug Administration’s] own guidelines on serving sizes are based on
old data, which is out of step with current portion sizes. For
example, according to the FDA’s calculations, which were established
in 1990, a serving of bagel is 55 grams, or about 2 ounces.” In
other words, companies that were dutifully adhering to some
bureaucrats’ impractical regulations were being attacked by
activists for being sneaky.
    According to the
business-bashers, the answer was even tougher government
protections. “If people are misled by serving sizes, they could
easily consume far more calories than they think,” a CSPI
spokeswoman fretted to the Times. The first quote from a food
company spokesman came in the story’s 15th paragraph.
    ABC’s coverage was even
more slanted against business. On December 8, 2003, Peter Jennings
narrated a special edition of the ABC newsmagazine PrimeTime
devoted exclusively to the subject, “How to Get Fat Without Really
Trying.” He announced his mindset at the beginning of the show: “Old
and young, Americans are getting fatter, and fatter, and fatter. We
all think it’s our own fault. It is not that simple. The food
industry is also at fault.”
    Jennings argued that U.S.
food manufacturers were creating unhealthy products. “When you look
at all the products introduced by the industry in recent years, one
thing is absolutely clear: the vast majority are foods that
Americans should be eating less,” he charged. “It is hard to imagine
the companies sacrificing their profits for the benefits of public
health.”
    After making all of this
junk food, companies then sleazily tried to foist it on young
children unaware of the risks. “Have you noticed how most food is
marketed to kids, directly to kids?” the ABC anchor rhetorically
wondered in another segment of the hour-long program. “All the
marketing to children is feeding an epidemic of childhood obesity,”
Jennings apocalyptically concluded. “The diet of many American
children may already be condemning them to a lifetime of illness.”
Shunning Companies, Pumping
Anti-Corporate Activists
    Why did so many obesity
stories end up pointing an accusing finger at those in the food
business? The main reason is that reporters mostly followed the
agenda of anti-food industry activists, especially the left-wing
Center for Science in the Public Interest (CSPI), and included their
comments, or those of university professors aligned with their
cause, in news stories far more frequently than quotes or soundbites
from representatives of the industry under attack.
    The Jennings special, for
example, leaned heavily on three outspoken activists: CSPI’s
executive director, Michael Jacobson; its Nutrition Policy Director,
Margo Wootan; and Marion Nestle, a former CSPI advisory board member
and a professor from New York University. While Jennings also
included quotes from spokesmen for Kraft Foods and the Grocery
Manufacturers of America, the very premise of his show was built
around the activists’ indictment of the food industry.
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These activists all argued that business practices lay at the heart
of the country’s obesity problem. Indeed, the very fact that food
today is plentiful and inexpensive struck Professor Nestle as
harmful. “If you were going to design a strategy to get people to
eat more food, you’d make food more convenient. You’d make it
ubiquitous. You’d encourage people to eat more frequently, on more
different eating occasions, and you’d encourage them to eat larger
portions. And all of these are deliberate strategies to sell
more food,” Nestle charged in a soundbite aired on Jennings’
special. (Emphasis added.)
    Such activists were quoted
by name in newspaper stories or shown on camera in television
stories a total of 134 times, or about 50 percent more frequently
than anyone from one of the food companies or industry associations
was cited (90 times). The New York Times and ABC were
slightly more likely than USA Today, CBS and NBC to cite
these activists, but the differences were minor.
    These statistics actually
understate the degree to which the activists controlled the news
agenda. Often, entire stories were pegged to new CSPI reports or
complaints about alleged corporate misbehavior. “Ever heard of the
Internet’s Oreo dunking game?” ABC’s Dean Reynolds asked on the
November 10, 2003 World News Tonight. “How about Chip Ahoy’s
chip blaster? Or baseball with Cheese Nips? The message here is that
food is fun, specifically, fun for kids. And to the Center for
Science in the Public Interest, that’s a problem.”
    Reynolds then aired a
condemnation from CSPI’s Margo Wootan at a press conference: “The
reality is that marketing aimed directly at children makes it much
harder for parents to feed their children well.”
    Reynolds did show a
soundbite from a representative of the Grocery Manufacturers of
America, Lisa Katic, who scoffed at CSPI’s theory: “If you’re eating
a well-balanced diet, there’s nothing wrong with having a treat
every once in a while, and parents know that.” But as Reynolds let
Katic dispute the validity of the CSPI study, ABC viewers saw
overweight kids huffing and puffing around a playground, and a
child’s little fingers peeling away the wrapper from a Hostess
chocolate cupcake.
    Reynolds then listed more
of the alleged instances of “food marketing to children,” showing an
offending cereal box illustration: “The Rugrats pal around with
Cap’n Crunch.” Then he went back to Wootan, who showed viewers a
Barbie doll in a McDonald’s uniform. “Kids love Barbie,” she
sniffed. “This is an example of turning marketing into a toy.” ABC
underscored the validity of CSPI’s critique by showing a soundbite
from a frazzled parent: “It’s hard to keep junk food out of your
house when your kids see it everywhere. They’re bombarded by it.
They want it.”
    In total, ABC that night
devoted 2 minutes 20 seconds to CSPI’s charges compared to just 20
seconds for the rebuttal from GMA’s Katic — a seven-to-one ratio in
favor of the anti-business argument.
    Similarly on March 3, NBC’s
Bob Faw reported on McDonald’s decision to phase out supersized
french fries and drinks, but the vast majority of quotes in the
story came from McDonald’s critics.
    Faw touted Morgan Spurlock,
who directed and starred in the tendentious film “Super Size Me,” in
which he chronicled a month in which he only ate McDonald’s food.
“An award-winning documentary to be released this spring says
supersized portions in fast-food chains is one reason we’re so
blubbery....In one month, the film’s director ate nothing but
McDonald’s and put on almost 25 pounds,” Faw enthused, as though
Spurlock’s stunt was relevant to anything in the real world.
    Faw argued that McDonald’s
was changing its menu “because of bad publicity and because the
number of lawsuits against chains serving fatty foods is growing.”
Then he played a soundbite from George Washington University Law
Professor John Banzhaf, the activist best known for his crusading
lawsuits against the tobacco companies. “Food companies, beware,”
Banzhaf chortled. “Look at what happened to big tobacco and start
performing now.”
    As with the ABC story, the
airtime was heavily tilted in favor of the activists, with
McDonald’s Executive Vice President Jeff Stratton receiving a mere
10 seconds in a more than two minute story.
Camouflaging the Crusaders
    Since the media gave
advocacy groups like CSPI a starring role in the debate over
obesity, one might logically assume that news reports would have
stressed the background and agenda of this group, or the record of
other like-minded activists.
    One would be wrong. During
the year’s worth of coverage we analyzed, few news reporters
approached these activists with anything like healthy professional
skepticism (ABC’s John Stossel was an exception), and many reporters
actually helped these crusaders camouflage their ideology by
presenting them as either knowledgeable “experts” or public-spirited
“consumer advocates.”
    None of the newspapers or
television news program we studied referred to CSPI as “liberal,”
but just skimming CSPI’s literature or Web site (www.cspinet.org)
makes it clear they are an extremely liberal, even far-left,
organization. Echoing some of the more hard-edged elements of the
environmental movements, CSPI’s Nutrition Policy Web page argues
that modern society is itself a problem: modern conveniences —
elevators, leaf blowers, and even washing machines — are harmful
because they deprive people of opportunities to burn calories, while
the very abundance of food is bad because there are more calories
out there than we can eat without getting fat.
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As with most liberals, CSPI’s bottom-line answer is more government:
“Funding for nutrition education pales in comparison to what the
food industry spends advertising unhealthy foods,” CSPI’s Web site
warns. “Given all the forces working against Americans’ attempts to
maintain a healthy diet and weight, the government needs to do more
than just cross its fingers and hope that the obesity problem goes
away.”
    When it comes to
restricting business, CSPI wants nutrition labels on everything from
soda cups in movie theaters to menus in fancy restaurants. CSPI also
demands that every newspaper or magazine advertisement report the
number of calories in the food product being sold, and CSPI does not
want any food advertisements allowed on TV when children are
watching — as if ads for Wendy’s or Burger King are as noxious as
the raunchy sexually-explicit programming most parents worry about.
    (In fact, CSPI’s “Nutrition
Action” newsletter has branded Burger King’s “Big King” hamburger
and “Cini-mini” rolls, along with many other high calorie products,
as “food porn,” presumably an attempt to embarrass companies selling
items which are evidently obscene in CSPI’s eyes.)
    Liberals generally like
taxes, and so does CSPI, which has a “fat tax” on its wish list. The
group wants higher taxes on “soft drinks and other foods high in
calories, fat, or sugar,” and the government is instructed to use
the money “to fund campaigns and programs to promote and support
good nutrition and physical activity.”
    Not only was CSPI never
labeled as “liberal” or “left-wing,” neither were any of the other
prominent activists who shared CSPI’s philosophy and desired the
same policies. One of these is New York University’s Marion Nestle,
who collaborated with CSPI executive director Michael Jacobson for a
January/February 2000 article in Public Health Reports in
which they made the “fat tax” proposal described above, plus a tax
on new TV sets and video equipment, and a penny increase in the
gasoline tax. Yet Nestle was often described merely as a “New York
University professor” or, as ABC’s Dean Reynolds dubbed her on March
3, “a leading nutrition expert.”
    Similarly, George
Washington University law school professor John Banzhaf was never
called a liberal, even though he has made a second career out of
using lawsuits to force the courts to enact social changes. News
stories typically promoted Banzhaf as a swashbuckling Robin-Hood
type, taking on entrenched powers to help the little guy:
    “Perhaps no one scares the
fast-foodies more than John Banzhaf,” Bruce Horovitz enthused in the
July 1, 2003 USA Today. “He’s best known for spearheading
billion-dollar victories over the tobacco industry and is widely
credited for the removal of cigarette commercials from television.
Now, the professor of public interest at George Washington
University is taking aim at food.”
    But not every journalist
was buying what Banzhaf was selling. On the July 18, 2003 edition of
ABC’s 20/20, co-anchor John Stossel questioned Banzhaf’s
assertion that his lawsuits would improve public health. “They say
they’re protecting us. What they’re really going to do is make
hamburgers cost more and make rich lawyers richer,” Stossel asserted
in a rare display of media skepticism directed at the activists.
    When Banzhaf told Stossel
how tobacco lawsuits were once laughed off as frivolous, only to
have those lawyers now enjoying multiple millions of dollars,
Stossel noted that time is on the activists’ side: “The lawyers
almost always win eventually. They can just keep suing until they
do. So far, they’ve already collected $13 billion from big tobacco,
enough to buy them 80,000 Bentleys or 13,000 yachts. The food
business is even bigger. Who knows what they’ll make there.”
    While they never labeled
the liberal players in the obesity debate, USA Today was
careful to stick a “conservative” tag on the Family Research
Council’s Patrick Trueman on February 24 when he challenged the
liberal notion that business should be forbidden from advertising to
children.
    “If you ban ads, you’ll
just eliminate kids’ TV, because who’s going to pay for it?” Trueman
told USA Today. “I don’t feel I should give up my duty as a
parent to the government.” But Trueman was the minority position in
that story, the first eight paragraphs of which presented the idea
that “government should either ban commercials on TV programs for
children younger than 9 or order changes to prevent kids from being
easy prey for marketers.”
Personal Choice Favored Over
Government-Imposed Solutions
    Despite the fact that far
more news stories blamed corporations than individuals for obesity,
more stories actually focused on personal solutions than any of the
tax and regulatory schemes recommended by the activists. The reason
is that many news stories, especially on television, profiled
individuals who had succeeded in shedding unwanted pounds, or asked
medical experts for advice that would help those who wanted to trim
their profile. These stories tended to bypass the controversial
proposals of anti-corporate activists (like a “fat tax”) to stress
solutions that had already been found to work.
    Some news stories mentioned
more than one solution, and some obesity stories never suggested any
way to remedy the problem, but our Free Market Project researchers
identified four ideas that received the most coverage: new taxes or
regulations on food companies; lawsuits or other attempts to bully
companies into conforming with the activists’ wishes; medical
solutions, including new drugs or surgery; and lifestyle changes,
where individuals improved their own eating and exercise habits.
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As one might expect, a plurality of stories (80, or 39 percent)
focused on personal solutions to obesity. But one-fourth of all
stories (49) included arguments for new burdens on business such as
regulations or a “fat tax” on some products, and another fifth of
the total (39) discussed milder ways of putting pressure on
companies, such as lawsuits or the shame of negative publicity.
Another fifth (38) focused on medical solutions to obesity. (See
chart.)
    TV’s prime time magazine
shows favored the tale of personal triumph over the activists’
policy pronouncements. Last June 27 on 20/20, ABC’s Deborah
Roberts presented a follow-up report on two teen-aged sisters who
had gastric-bypass surgery, developed better habits, and were going
to the prom. On March 26, NBC’s Dateline aired a report
called “Generation XL,” on the efforts of three teenagers going
through a weight-loss program at “Camp La Jolla” in California. The
same edition of CBS’s 48 Hours that featured actor Wayne
Knight also showcased the weight loss story of Subway pitchman Jared
Fogle, who lost 245 pounds eating turkey and vegetable sandwiches.
    On December 29, 2003,The
New York Times profiled a Russian-born inventor from California
who had figured out how to put sensors into a car seat to weigh the
driver and sound an alarm when he or she had gotten too fat. “The
best way to ensure people have information about their weight and
they don’t forget is to create a system that does it by itself and
they don’t have to think about,” Yefim G. Kriger told the Times.
    But even as some
journalists were documenting how individuals were solving their own
weight problems either on their own or with a doctor’s assistance,
others were handing the megaphone to activists who argued that the
real answer was to start passing laws or put even more pressure on
big business.
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“I mean, what can you do? Implore people to eat better and exercise
more? Well, there’s plenty of that going on already, and there’s
still a problem,” argued Professor Kelly Brownell, the Director of
Yale’s Center for and Weight Disorders and a member of CSPI’s
Scientific Advisory Board, on ABC’s Nightline on July 17, 2003.
Equating food with tobacco, Brownell hinted that winning the fight
against obesity may mean limiting some freedoms.
    “Tobacco was a great
example. I mean, we could implore parents to ask their children not
to smoke, and ask the parents not to smoke themselves, but that
hasn’t gotten the job done. So we tax cigarettes, we forbid smoking
in public places, we take other quite bold and dramatic actions to
protect the public health,” Brownell argued.
    On June 25, 2003, NBC
Nightly News, reporter Mike Taibbi outlined the movement’s
demands: “A so-called fat tax on junk food and fast-food items, a
ban on their sale in schools and tougher requirements about their
stated nutritional value. And some lawyers are already fighting big
food for those concessions the same way big tobacco was fought a
decade ago with new laws and new lawsuits.”
    Taibbi then aired a
boastful soundbite from Banzhaf, the law professor: “We think that
the same tools and techniques can also be very effective against the
problem of obesity. And, indeed, the seven suits so far and the
industry’s response certainly convinces me that we’re on the right
track.”
    But Taibbi also quoted a
member of Congress, Ric Keller, who mocked Banzhaf’s premise: “We’ve
got to get away from this society where everybody plays the victim
and tries to blame other people for their problems.”
    On August 20, 2003 USA
Today’s Life section enumerated Brownell’s anti-business
demands: “Some of the nation’s top researchers, alarmed about the
rise in childhood obesity, are calling for Americans to demand a
complete overhaul of the way unhealthy foods and drinks are marketed
to kids,” reporter Nancy Hellmich opened her story about Brownell’s
request for a ban on advertising to children, and end to celebrity
and cartoon character endorsements of junk foods, and smaller
portion sizes.
    “Short of banning ads,
Brownell recommends that the government should charge fees for ads
for unhealthy foods or a small tax on the foods themselves to create
‘a nutrition superfund’ to use to promote health foods. The ‘snack
tax’ or ‘Twinkie tax’ has been the subject of much debate,” Hellmich
outlined.
    Although her story was
framed entirely around the activists’ agenda, Hellmich’s story did
include a response from a business or association spokesperson for
each of the items Brownell proposed. Gene Grabowski of the Grocery
Manufacturers of America, for example, argued that a ban on ads for
children was “absurd. You have to allow appropriate advertising and
marketing to all segments of society.”
    On March 10, when the House
of Representatives passed a bill to limit the ability of activists
like Banzhaf to sue food companies that were otherwise playing by
the rules, ABC’s Linda Douglass on World News Tonight
ridiculed the legislators as the handmaidens of big business: “The
food lobby is powerful on Capital Hill. Members of Congress have
received $1.5 million from the restaurant industry, and even more,
$2.5 million, from food producers and sellers in this election cycle
alone. There is a candy lobby, a sugar lobby, a snack food lobby.
Today, House members argued the food industry is being made the
scapegoat for people who choose to overeat.”
    In his December 8, 2003
PrimeTime report, ABC anchor Peter Jennings looked for new
regulations: “The Bush administration urges Americans to exercise
more and eat healthier. But there is no sign that government will
obligate the food industry to change how they make and market food,
and no sign whatsoever that government will try to change
agricultural policies, so as to benefit the public health.”
    “As we made this program,
we often thought about how long it took before government recognized
that smoking was a public health issue,” Jennings revealed at the
end of the program. “And now, it’s obesity. Just think of the money
it is costing the country. So, how long will it take government to
act? I’m Peter Jennings. Thank you and good night.”
But the Free Market Was Practically
Ignored
    Even as activists claimed
that cynical corporate marketing really determines what’s on
Americans’ plates, the marketplace was responding to consumer
desires for healthier products and smaller portions. But less than
10 percent of news stories (just 19 out of 205) even hinted at how
the free market is already helping to solve America’s obesity
problem.
    One of the rare instances
of journalists highlighting how businesses were shifting to
accommodate changing consumer desires came on the NBC Nightly
News on February 18. In a report that anchor Tom Brokaw
announced was produced in conjunction with The Wall Street
Journal, NBC’s Rehema Ellis showed how companies were
experimenting with new, smaller portion sizes of some products,
including a 4.5 ounce toasted sandwich offered by Quiznos.
    “In the era of the Big
Gulp, soda giant Coca Cola is now offering new 12-ounce bottles.
Pepsi is offering eight-ounce cans. Why? Companies are responding to
changing demand from aging, weight-conscious baby boomers and
warning about rising obesity rates.”
    Still, Ellis pointed out,
the smaller packaging means the relative price per ounce of the same
product is higher than with the larger sizes. “Market analysts say
it’s a big gamble whether consumers will buy into the change,” Ellis
concluded, “but food companies are banking that diet-conscious
Americans are willing to pay more for less if it means healthier
eating.”
    While Ellis never used the
phrase “free market,” that’s exactly what she was talking about. As
she documented, businesses believe that many weight-conscious
individuals want smaller sizes, so they’re making an effort to
comply. But if too few customers actually purchase the smaller
sizes, the marketplace will tell businesses that their theory about
what people wanted was wrong, and the items will be modified or
discontinued.
    The next night on NBC
Nightly News, reporter Kevin Tibbles showed how fast food
restaurants were changing their menu to suit some dieting customers’
desires for fewer carbohydrates. “How do you eat a bunless burger?
At Burger King, it comes in plastic with a knife and fork,” Tibbles
explained. “At Hardee’s and Carl’s Jr., they come wrapped in
lettuce. CEO Andy Puzder says he got the idea when he saw a customer
on a low-carb diet removing the bun.”
    “He said, ‘I’ve lost 25
pounds.’ I said, ‘Maybe we ought to test this,” a chuckling Puzder
related to Tibbles.
    “All the fast food
mainstays have alternatives now — salads instead of fries, bottled
water instead of soda, frozen yogurt instead of ice cream,” Tibbles
reported.
    Of course, these variations
will succeed in the marketplace if enough customers truly desire
them. But these two NBC reports made it clear that companies,
especially those with creative management, will always seek ways to
bring new products to market when consumer demands change. When
activists insist on government-mandated change, they’re denying the
fact that the free market is always adapting to meet consumers’
desires — or they’re expressing a lack of faith in the ability of
ordinary citizens to make intelligent choices in a free marketplace.
    The anti-corporate
activists focus on advertising and marketing to make their case that
the average American consumer is a victim of business manipulation.
“The government spends about $3 million a year on a five-a-day
campaign to promote fruit and vegetable consumption — $3 million a
year,” CSPI’s Michael Jacobson fretted to CBS’s John Roberts in a
May 11, 2003 story. “McDonald’s, one company, spends $1 billion a
year encouraging people to eat hamburgers, fries and Cokes.”
    But consumers are not
mindless robots, eating only what the TV commercials tell them to
eat. A USA Today article from February 25 showed that enough
diet-conscious consumers were shifting their buying habits for the
results to show up in national sales figures. “Comparing 2002 with
2003, fewer consumer dollars were spent on fresh potatoes, rice,
white bread, cereal, cookies and pasta,” reporter Nanci Hellmich
revealed.
    But many journalists seemed
to share the activists’ lack of faith in the free market. New
York Times business reporter David Barboza wrapped up a July 10,
2003 story about obesity with an anecdote that seemed to imply that
it was hopeless to expect consumers to make responsible choices:
“The extent to which overindulgence has seeped into American culture
was summed up by a flight attendant on a Southwest Airlines flight
from Providence, R.I., to Chicago on Monday.
    “‘Having a balanced diet,’
she told the passengers over the intercom, ‘means having two cookies
in each hand.’ She got applause.”
Conclusions and Recommendations
    When covering the obesity
issue, the news organizations that we studied aimed most of their
skepticism toward business and business-friendly politicians, and
treated the liberal activists pushing for taxes and regulations as
impartial, civic-minded truth-tellers. Instead of impartially
mediating a debate about the causes and solutions to the obesity
problem, too many reporters — especially those at ABC News and the
New York Times — crossed the line and became advocates
championing a cause.
    Activists like Marion
Nestle, for example, argued that the country’s growing girth was not
an ordinary health problem, but an “epidemic,” a problem so severe
that drastic action could not be delayed. In about one-third of the
stories we analyzed (66 out of 205), journalists parroted that
sensationalized language and hyped the problem as an “obesity
epidemic.” On the March 9 NBC Nightly News, anchor Tom Brokaw
even suggested “Americans [are] eating themselves to death.”
    There is no doubt that
obesity is a growing health problem, but out of 205 stories, only
one report tried to put the alarming statistics into context. “Until
1998, a 5-foot-5 woman who weighed 164 pounds was considered
normal,” USA Today’s Nancy Hellmich and Rita Rubin explained
in a June 16, 2003 article. “Then the official body mass index
(weight/height) criteria changed, and all of a sudden she was
considered overweight if she weighed 150 pounds. The guidelines
labeled another 29 million people as overweight. Now, almost 65
percent of Americans weigh too much.”
    Only about one-third of
adults were officially considered overweight before the change,
according to a January 1, 1998 New York Times article by
science reporter Gina Kolata. While millions have gotten fatter on
their own in the last five years, millions more were re-defined as
“overweight” by government bureaucrats, even though their actual
weight may not have changed.
    Once reporters had adopted
the activists’ mind-set about the severity of the obesity problem,
it was more likely they would be receptive to activists’ desire to
blame business practices for the problem and “solve” the problem by
punishing businesses with new taxes and regulations. We found most
news reports about the causes of obesity did indeed convey the
activists’ spin that business was to blame, although most media
discussions of obesity solutions emphasized personal or medical
cures, not new taxes, regulations or lawsuits.
    But apart from a few
stories, such as those on the NBC Nightly News that we
highlighted, reporters generally failed to document how America’s
free market system was already translating weight-conscious
consumers’ wishes into a myriad of new products in the marketplace.
    It’s one thing for
self-appointed activists to champion their own notions of positive
change, even for them to argue that the free market has failed and
government needs to step in and protect individuals from their own
bad choices. But it’s dangerous for news reporters to stray over
that line and abandon the role of objective mediator in order to
become advocates themselves.
    Once supposedly neutral
reporters, like ABC’s Peter Jennings for example, make it obvious
that they’ve taken sides on an issue, the public will rightly worry
that their coverage may be designed more to push a point of view
than to bring audiences a fair and balanced discussion. Reporters
should resist becoming advocates, for advocates do not possess the
open-mindedness that is essential for professional objective
journalism.
    Here are a few
recommendations for better, less biased coverage in the future:
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First, news organizations must do a better job
of investigating and reporting the agenda and track record of
advocacy groups such as CSPI, and not falsely present them as
sources of objective and unbiased information. CSPI’s own
publications make it clear that they advocate wide-ranging changes
in business practices and government policy, and many of those
changes would be harmful to the free market system. Any such
reforms need to be openly debated, not deceptively sold as
improvements in public health with no negative consequences for
the U.S. economy.
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Second, fairness requires that when outside
groups criticize big business, journalists strive to include in
their story an appropriate response from either the targeted
corporation or an industry association. We found a number of
stories in which the critics enjoyed a three-to-one, four-to-one
or even greater advantage over business spokespersons. While some
stories made it clear that a besieged business had refused to
speak on camera, reporters must still try to serve their audiences
properly by presenting balanced coverage. If a business won’t
talk, perhaps for legal reasons, then journalists should find free
market experts who could debate the merits of these activists’
claims and charges.
-
Finally, while it is easy for reporters to
build stories around activists’ demands for more government
intervention, it is important to balance those demands with a
recognition of the principles and benefits of America’s free
market system. Without government lifting a finger, consumers
will inevitably reward companies that provide the most desirable
products for the best price, and any businesses that fail to meet
the public’s expectations will be punished in the marketplace.
That’s as true for the food business as any other, but that truism
was lacking in most of the media coverage we examined over the
past year.
The Free Market Project is a division of the
Media Research Center
www.freemarketproject.org
The Media Research Center
325 South Patrick Street • Alexandria, Virginia, 22314
(703) 683-9733 •
www.mediaresearch.org
L. Brent Bozell III, President
Brent H. Baker, Vice President for Research and Publications
Richard Noyes, Research Director
Tim Graham, Director of Media Analysis
Tim Jones, Director of Editorial Services
Kristina Sewell, Research Associate
Geoff Dickens, Jessica Anderson, Brian Boyd,
Brad Wilmouth and Ken Shepherd, News Division Analysts
Eric Pairel, Director of Information Systems
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